The Kebra Nagast (var. Kebra Negast, Ge’ez, kəbrä nägäst), or the Book of the Glory of Kings, is an account written in Ge’ez of the origins of the Solomonic line. The Kebra nagast (Glory of Kings), written from to , relates the birth of Menelik—the son of Solomon and Makada, the queen of Sheba—who became. The Kebra Nagast, by E.A.W. Budge, [], full text etext at

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The purpose in hand, whether for religious reasons, trade benefits, or any other reasons that we cannot now detect, was to destabilise the government of Himyar.

A barely comprehensible prophetic chapter, the last KN in the book, attributed to the Armenian saint Gregory the Illuminator, is devoted to Kaleb and to his sons Israel and Gabra Masqal: To associate the vehicle with the Kebra Nagasfs Wagon of Zion and the Chariot of Ethiopia as ‘important paraphernalia of the Ethiopian monarchy after the transference of the Ark and the Tabernacle from Jerusalem to Axum’ is, once again, surely rather far-fetched.

As for the ‘victory inscription’ of Jibre, which for Shahid is ‘that of a victorious Israelite king His brother, Apollinare, also went out to the country as a missionary and was, along with his two companions, stoned to death in Tigray. She is enthralled by his kihre of learning and knowledge, and declares “From this moment I will not worship the sun, but will worship the Creator of the sun, the God of Israel” chapter However, the compiler confused Marcian, whose reign was peaceful, with other Roman or Byzantine emperors who suffered defeats from the Persians.

The Gadla Pantalewon is a later Ethiopie work written by an ecclesiastic whom Conti Rossini neges as Yeshaq, consecrated metropolitan kbre Aksum aroundbut it is evident that the book is rather earlier in date.

The palace in which he dwelt at Aksum may not have been built by him, any more than Queen Elizabeth II nevest the palaces she lives in. Nevertheless, the construction of some churches in Himyar may be a not unlikely product of Kaleb ‘s zeal, since the churches there had been destroyed by King Yusuf, and they constituted important imperial symbols of the occupying power.

Shahid’s redating involves the concomitant supposition that King Kaleb would have subscribed already to the legend that King Solomon and the queen of Sheba were the ancestors of the Ethiopian royal dynasty1. If the fourth and fifth century kings had reverted to paganism and Shahid does not suggest that they reverted to a Judaism imported by Menelik I, though he does hint that Ethiopian Christianity had ’embedded in it a strong Jewish substrate’it could only have served Ezana and a successor or two at most.


The date provided in this section is obscure. As the Kibrw Edward Ullendorff explained in the Schweich Lectures”The Kebra Nagast is not merely a literary work, but it is the repository of Ethiopian national and religious feelings.

Kebra Nagast – Wikipedia

Specifically he focuses on the central element of lineage and royal blood lines that were prevalent ngest the time. Such later sovereigns, too — though in another and different Ethiopia, of which we have many more records — were also eager to suppress pagan cultic sites, and, despite their long Christian descent, showed every bit as much ‘zeal, nefest and intensity’ over church building as the so-called ‘convert’ Kaleb Ella Asbeha.

Would anyone, even the most sanguine of Aksumites, or the most vain of Aksumite kings, have credited a story in which Justin, the master of a vast empire, soon to become even vaster, albeit temporarily, under Justinian, could be the kibfe partner in territorial division with Aksum? After this, the archbishop Domitius [5] reads from a book he had found in the church of “Sophia”, which introduces what Hubbard calls “the centerpiece” of this work, the story of Makeda better known as the Queen of ShebaKing Solomon, Menelik I, and how the Ark came to Ethiopia chapters This lack we can partially remedy today through study libre the coinage.

One can certainly accept the polemic and the hostile dialogue; it was part and parcel of the vital issue of Christianity versus Judaism, now raised to a rare, even unique, position on the political and international stage by Negedt Yusuf of Himyar’s blatant acts against Christians in Zafar and Najran.

The Fetha Nagast has had a great influence on Ethiopia.

Kibbre the arguments advanced by Shahid — which like most of his work are stimulating, ingenious and widely researched, and which certainly do need consideration in any analysis of the Kebra Nagast — it is very difficult to accept the Kebra Nagast as the sixth-seventh century work that he advocates. Byzantium was still extant in Amda Seyon’s day, but this does not seem to kiibre the Byzantium to which the author of the Kebra Nagast refers.

Another Look’, in Peace and War in Byzantium, ed. Oriental Orthodoxy Legal history of Ethiopia Texts in Ge’ez Medieval legal codes 13th century in Ethiopia s in law s books 13th century in Egypt.

Kebra Negast

Based on the testimony of this colophon, “Conti Rossini, Littmann, and Kbreinter alioshave marked off the period to for the composition of the book. Yeshaq, though under the immediate control of Ya’ibika Egzi’, would surely have known about and disapproved of these renegades, who thus supplied an nfgest topical focal point for the anti- Jewish ,ibre of his book. In this case, presumably the Ge’ez version we have now, with its neologisms, differs considerably from the putative original Ge’ez version?


The Ark of the Lord went only where it, or God, willed. Nor does Shahid’s interpretation of the information from Kosmas Indikopleustes, described as ‘perhaps the most valuable evidence which” could document the growth of the Legend [of Solomon and the queen of Sheba’s foundation of the Ethiopian dynasty] at this period’, invite belief.

The Fetha Nagast Ge’ez: It is envisaged as the result of.

Perhaps one such source, for the compiler s of the Kebra Nagast, was an Arabic version of the history of John of Nikiu, which runs to the year Views Read Edit View history. Several of these are available, written in response to the Muslim conquest of Egypt, and they include such features as ‘the Christian reconquest of Egypt by the emperors of Ethiopa and Rome’ in the apocalypse of Samuel of Calamun.

It is easy to agree with Shahid’s suggestion offered in his Appendix I, that the Kebra Nagast was recast in the form of an apocalypse in late mediaeval times. Retrieved from ” https: Shahid’s arguments are confusing over this question of pagan Aksumite kings after the conversion. Scholars have stated that the first section the Ecclesiastical law was already in use in Ethiopia before this time as part of the Senodosand that the title Fetha NegestLaws of the Kings, referred to the second lay part, that was new to Ethiopia.

Retrieved from ” https: Other historians to consider the evidence date parts of it as late as the end of the sixteenth century, when Muslim incursions and contacts with the wider Christian world made the Ethiopian Church concerned to assert its character and assert Jewish traditions. In the Letter attributed to Simeon of Beth Arsham and in the Book of the Himyarites the Jewish king is stated to have sworn by the Ark, making no bitter or scornful allusion to any Aksumite claim to possess it.

By virtue of his personal strength, David made the throne more stable and unconditional, while Solomon brought about the zenith of virtue, wisdom and power; all held in the monarchy. It merely mentions war against the Jews, and provides the names of the rulers of Rome and Ethiopia involved.